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![]() While historians of combat,
desertion, or nationalism used soldiers’ accounts and experiences to answer traditional
questions about military and political affairs, other scholars adopted new
strategies to investigate previously overlooked aspects of the war. In
particular, studies of religion and gender allowed social and cultural
historians entry into the Civil War arena. Gardiner Shattuck penned one of the
first treatments of religion and Civil War armies.24 Shattuck was
writing against the hagiographical treatment of Confederates and religion
favored by J. William Jones in Christ in the Camp: Or, Religion in Lee’s
Army.25 Whereas Jones lionized the religiosity of Confederate
leaders, Shattuck began by describing the differences between prewar Northern
and Southern Protestantism. For example, Northern churches advocated a “social
morality” that sponsored reform movements, but Southern churches focused on
“individual morality” and left social and political issues to the state. The
result, according to Shattuck, was that Southern soldiers did not derive the
same kind of inspiration from religion that Northern soldiers did. Later
scholars tended to disagree. Drew Gilpin Faust, in her study of Confederate
revivals, argued that although religion could propagate social conflict, it
sustained most individuals through a traumatic time and offered a language with
which to conceptualize defeat.26 Samuel Watson went even further,
arguing that “religion pervaded the discourse of community at all levels; it
played as important a part in sustaining individuals as it did in creating
Confederate nationalism.”27 Religion continues to be one of the most
fertile cross-fields, in part because it offers scholars the opportunity to
comment on important pre- and postwar history while offering meaningful
insights into wartime events. In the same way, gender emerged in
the 1990s as one of the subjects that allowed social historians to work on the
Civil War. Although much of the work on gender and the war revolved around the
home front and the experiences of women, important work was done linking the
emerging study of masculinity to the war. Stephen Frank’s study of fatherhood
revealed the possibilities of blending cultural, social, and military history.28
Frank read Civil War sources not for what they said about the war per se but
for what they revealed about how men conceptualized their responsibilities as
fathers. James Marten took this one step further in his study of Confederate
fathers as soldiers. Building on Frank’s argument that fatherhood constituted
one of the most important aspects of soldiers’ identities,
Marten explored how this orientation affected the war. Rather than leading men
to abandon the armies to protect their families, Marten found that, “in the
minds of southern men, the war had made being a good and loyal soldier one of
the duties of being a good father.”29 The fullest study of
masculinity and soldiering came from Reid Mitchell, whose The Vacant Chair: The Northern Soldier Leaves Home offered new ways to
understand the conflict and its impact on American society.30
Mitchell identified the “ideology of domesticity” as the dominant mode within
which most Northern soldiers were nurtured. As he explained, Union soldiers
used the metaphors and values of domesticity to understand everything from how
to interact with their officers and Southern women to the proper relations
between races and classes.
The research on soldiers and
masculinity distinguishes itself precisely because the majority of studies on
gender and the Civil War focus on women and the home front. This work has
demonstrated the necessity of keeping both “fronts” in view when writing a full
history.31 Women’s historians have pushed their analyses even
further, including studies of those women who served as soldiers.32
This research, like the best of that on masculinity, has forced us to rethink
how we explain motivation and other topics by showing that the traditional
masculine imperatives of honor and aggression need to be recast or at least
complemented by more universal notions of patriotism and civic duty. New
perspectives on masculinity also help us rethink the larger narrative of
American history. Although women served in small numbers—probably no more than
several hundred on both sides during the war—their involvement reveals that
women could become full participants in a public sphere from which they were
actively excluded. As with other topics, war stories have the potential to
upset long-standing notions about how Americans conceptualized their nation,
their families, and themselves. One of the most important components
of the inquiry into Civil War soldiers has been the experience of black men who
fought for the Union. The dominance of the Lost Cause interpretation of the war
for much of the twentieth century meant that most historians excluded from
their work the topics of slavery, emancipation, and the role of black people
generally. The writings of black historians such as W. E. B. DuBois offered a counternarrative
that put slavery and emancipation at the center of the war, but it was not
until after the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s that white
scholars started paying serious attention to the role of black people in the
war. It was an African American scholar, Benjamin Quarles, who first delineated
the experiences of blacks, particularly those who served in the Union army.
Quarles’s 1953 The Negro in the Civil War accomplished for black
soldiers what Wiley’s work had done for whites.33 Although
subsequent scholarship on the black military experience has not kept pace with
its white counterpart, a number of excellent monographs and important primary
source collections have been published.34 These works demonstrate
the centrality of the issue of race to the causes and outcomes of the war and
the importance of the contribution made by black soldiers to the Union war
effort. The studies of black troops in the
Union army complicate the picture of a glorious army of liberation, revealing
instead one fraught with institutional discrimination and deep conflicts over
the purpose of the war. African Americans themselves, we now know, wrestled with
the decision to support the Union. They were neither blind to Northern whites’
reluctance to support emancipation nor sure that it would not be revoked later.
Partly because of the unique nature of the issue, black soldiers are still
generally treated as a topic separate from regular studies of soldiers. Joseph Glatthaar’s Forged in Battle: The Civil War Alliance of
Black Soldiers and Their White Officers is one of the few studies that
focuses on the race relations that developed during the war.35 Glatthaar’s study of both races as they functioned in the
segregated United States Colored Troops reveals the sympathy and support that
even initially hostile white officers developed after leading black soldiers in
battle. This shift of racial sentiment demonstrates the power of the war to
reorder priorities and outlooks in important ways. Despite the progress made
during the war, Glatthaar found that few officers
became advocates for blacks in the postwar period; the disillusionment of
battle and the strength of postwar racial ideologies overwhelmed the positive
credit that black soldiers had earned. Yet Glatthaar’s
work and current research into the effect of the Civil War on racial
outlooks—among soldiers and others—remind us that the outcomes of the war were
neither foreordained nor predictable. Continued research into the black war
experience and into the racial attitudes of white soldiers may reveal a history
we have not yet seen. The maturation of the field could be
seen by the late 1980s, when a host of studies offered increasingly
sophisticated interpretations of how and why soldiers acted as they did.
Randall Jimerson and Earl Hess penned two of the most
compelling treatments of motivation. Jimerson’s
study, which analyzed both Northern and Southern soldiers, provided the now
standard explanation that Southerners seceded and fought to protect slavery, to
preserve self-government, and to resist being conquered by Yankees.
Northerners, in contrast, fought because the Union offered the best defense of
both the institution of democracy and the freedom that democracy was designed
to foster.36 Hess’s account, which focused on Northern soldiers,
identified ideology as central to the war effort. In his telling,
self-government, democracy, individualism, and egalitarianism were the key
characteristics of the antebellum Republic and the values most threatened by a
victory by the slaveholding South.37 Writing a decade later, but in
the same vein, James McPherson offered the fullest ideological explanation of
the war yet. In McPherson’s account, the soldiers of
both sides were motivated primarily by a defense of liberty, defined according
to regional tastes. Studies of World War II veterans had revealed that men
valued their fellow soldiers and the camaraderie they shared above any abstract
philosophical defenses of the war. Not so with Civil War soldiers, argued
McPherson, who identified in their public and private writings a sincere
commitment to abstractions that would have baffled modern soldiers.38
These studies and others like them that singled out particular elements, such
as religion, race, or masculinity, offered an intellectual history of the Civil
War told through its participants. Although all three authors mentioned in this
paragraph focused their analyses on explaining the war itself, they also
pointed the way toward wider histories of the war that connected participants
and events with the general trends of nineteenth-century America. One more indication of the
maturation of the field can be seen in how historians now integrate analyses of
soldiers into their texts on all topics. In particular, studies of Confederate
defeat, communities, and gender include thoughtful considerations of the role
of soldiers. For the last decade, many historians have been preoccupied by the
problem of how to explain the conclusion of the Civil War. Did the Union win, or the Confederacy lose? In particular, many scholars
have argued that the Confederacy collapsed internally from an erosion of morale
or lack of faith in its new federal government. In most accounts that make this
argument, class conflict is offered as the central element eroding that faith.39
Disaffection on the home front often plays a prominent role in these accounts,
but a full and convincing argument must rest on evidence that a significant
number of soldiers abandoned their willingness to fight for the Confederacy. So
far, scholars have uncovered isolated instances of soldiers abandoning the
army, but not the kind of uniform disaffection that the most ambitious texts
argue for.40 Much of the best recent scholarship
on the Civil War can be found in the community studies that explain the
experience of the war across a wide range of perspectives,41
including that of the soldier. Martin Crawford’s recent history of Ashe County,
North Carolina, provides a good example of how local histories are enriched
when the soldiers who left a particular place are tied back into the story.
Crawford’s account alternates between the soldiers and the community they left,
describing the shifts in belief and outlook as a product of the experiences of
both places. The result is a much more nuanced picture of both soldiers and
civilians than we could have expected two decades ago. G. Ward Hubbs’s recent study of an Alabama community shows this
phenomenon in even finer detail.42 His subtitle, A Confederate
Company in the Making of a Southern Community, indicates the extent to
which battlefront and home front are intimately connected throughout the
narrative. Hubbs fulfills this promise with a
narrative that describes how the community of Greensboro, Alabama, was built by
the sacrifices and hardship shared by white soldiers and civilians of the town.
He shows that only by taking seriously the experiences of both home front and
battlefront can we understand the racial and social order of the New South. Previous Page | Next Page | |||
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